THE
FAILURE
OF
SOUTHWEST
REGIONALISM
Published in the South Dakota Review, 19.4 (Winter, 1982), 85-99
In
his
book, The Southwest,
John Houghton
Allen
says
that
"the
best way to see the
Southwest is through
the bottom of
a glass.
You can
take it,
after a dozen
beers"
(1).
As it
turns out,
Allen was bitter about
the destruction
of Hispanic
culture in
South Texas,
which he
says
"was absorbed."
So, "like
the
gringos these people affect to
scorn any remote
connection
with the soil.
And now
they sit
in these
gringo towns
like Indians off
a
reservation"
(2).
In his fine essay,
"Regionalism in
American
Literature," Benjamin Spencer suggests that
regional literature
is the
dialectic
complement
to our
national literature (3).
Before the
Civil War
many
Southerners
called for a
distinctive sectional
literature to
counter
what they saw as
northern
sectional
literature and
to combat
absorption,
and hence destruction,
of Southern
culture into a
monolithic
Americanism.
After the war,
literary nationalism was
complemented
by
local color, which was influenced by, and contributed to,
realism. Like
the realists,
local color writers
were interested in
journalistic
facts and
accurate
description
of
manners
and
setting even though they exaggerated or distorted these. This
included the
use of
dialect. However, unlike the
sectional writers, most local
colorists were not a
product of the regions they
described.
ln fact,
they were
often outsiders with
an uncritical
allegiance to the
urban bourgeois
view associated with
industrialism,
Manifest
Destiny, and the New
York publishing
industry.
Thus, Donald Dike
suggested that
nineteenth
century local color writing was
a
domestic travel
literature (4).
While
this may be
true of
much local
color
writing,
especially of the
West, it may be exaggerated
in reference to the New England of
Sarah Orne Jewett, the
South of Joel
Chandler Harris,
Thomas
Nelson
Page, and Lafcadio
Hern, or
the Midwest
of
Edward
Eggleston and
Edgar Howe. However, Dike
does imply
what they all
have in common as
local colorists:
a
desire to create
an
American
folklore. By
concentrating
on the regional types
- cowboys
in the
West,
avuncular
negroes in
the South -
a
distinctive
and representative
American
literature
could be collected,
a grass roots,
sociologically authentic
American songbag or
literary quilt.
It should be
kept in mind
that many of these
regional portraits,
again especially those of the West, were
written for a
national newspaper
audience.
Hence
stereotypes
and
caricatures
were often accepted as
representative portraits
of both the
South and the
West.
Carey McWilliams, in the
Southwest Review,
defined local color
writing as "merely
a polite movement to gratify
Eastern curiosity, to
make the Eastern reader think that what he
had always thought
about the West was true"
(5). Local color
writing tended to
be either
ironic or
sentimental
with
characters
rendered
picturesque
because the
writer was
interested in
describing
local
variations
in
manners.
In one of the earliest local color sketches of New
Mexico,
Frontier
Army Sketches (1872-3), James Steele portrays
Apache women
as gorillas
-
"squat, angular,
pig-eyed, ragged,
wretched,
and
insect
haunted"
(p.
84). The
brave is
a
"gaunt
and
greasy
son of
the
wilderness
unconscious
of his
odors
unwashed, and
nearly naked save
in respect of
paint"
(p. 85).
Steele admits
that
"this
sketch may
seem to
the Eastern
reader somewhat one-sided,
though
it
is not
so"
(p. 89).
Steele sums up the
character
of the
Indian,
saying
that he has "the
inborn
love of killing"
(p. 97)
and that
"his
is a race
egoism, like that of the
Chinese"
(p. 96).
Although such
descriptions are
recognized today as
racist
caricatures,
Steele thought
he was
being realistic
and accurate.
He says that
"every tradition
repeating the
story
of
Indian bravery,
generosity,
and
hospitality,
fades like mist
before
the
actual
man."
And he
specifically warns against the
romanticized Indians
in James
Fenimore
Cooper's novels:
"When
confronted
with the
actual
hero,
the beautiful
characters
of
Cooper
cease to
attract,
and, indeed,
become
in a
sense ridiculous"
(p. 80).
The Hispanics
of New Mexico
fare little better in
Steele's harsh
ethnocentric
report of what
New Mexico
is
really like.
The New
Mexican
lives
in an
"irregular,
squalid
and straggling
village" and,
in contrast
to the Indian,
"is remarkable
only for
placidity" (p. 147). New
Mexicans
have no
shops,
no money,
and only "the
ugliest,
heaviest, and most
inconvenient
of earthly
vehicles" (p.
152).
Steele
reports
that chili, "the
hottest
sauce ever
invented,
is
a
standard dish,
eaten
by
everybody"
and used
in recipes "which
were never known
among
the gourmands
and epicures"
(p. 153).
The New Mexican
is an
"inveterate
and incurable
liar"
(p. 157) whose
only object
in life is
"to
dance
and to smoke"
(p. 150).
However, the
New Mexican must have
occasionally had
more
energy,
for Steele
also found
that
"prostitution
and adultery go
unregarded
and shameless"
(p. 157).
Finally,
Steele implied that
Catholicism made
Hispanics
docile victims
of the
murderous Indians,
in
contrast
to
"the
sturdy
Protestant
who is apt
to
die
fighting"
(p.
160). Steele
also implied
that if the Hispanics
were really men, they would have
exterminated
the Indians
long
ago instead
of
waiting
for the U.S. Cavalry to
carry
out "the
sentence of
doom
that is
written
against
the red man"
(p.
52).
As
might be
expected,
Steele is
fulsome
in his
praise of
Anglo
values,
which he
personifies in
a
sentimental portrait
of Captain Jinks,
a long-suffering
cavalry officer
and servant of
Manifest Destiny
"in the
coyote-haunted
desert,"
and in the
anonymous Victorian
frontier
woman
who best
represents "that
virtue which,
more than any
other,
is
characteristic
of woman -
the
virtue
of
silent endurance"
(p.
253).
Steele's
realism
in regard to the
Indians
was typical of
Western local
color. For
example, consider
Mark Twain's
description
of the
"Goshute
Indians"
in
Roughing It
(1872).
They are
"a silent,
sneaking,
treacherous-looking
race;
taking note
of everything,
covertly, like
all the other 'Noble
Red Men' that we (do not) read
about
indolent
prideless beggars
eating what a hog
would decline."
If asked about the
"Great
Spirit"
they
would think
"whiskey
is
referred to."
They
"produce nothing at
all, and
have no
villages."
The
"Goshutes
are
manifestly
descended from the
selfsame gorilla
whichever
animalAdam the
Darwinians
trace them to."
Twain says that
although "a
disciple
of Cooper and
a
worshipper
of the
red
man,"
he
may have
overestimated
"the red man while viewing him
through the
mellow
moonshine
of
romance."
Twain ends
his
description of
the savage
by saying that
"It
was curious to
see how
quickly the
paint and tinsel
fell away
from him and
left him
treacherous,
filthy,
and repulsive"
(7).
Bret
Harte wrote a
novel titled
Muck-A-Muck:
A
Modern Indian Novel
After Cooper (1867)
.
It is a parody of
Cooper's
Leatherstocking
series
in which
Chingachgook
is
called Muck-AMuck. He
appears
with a
bare chest
"decorated
with a
quantity
of three-cent
postage-stamps which he had despoiled from
an Overland
Mail
stage a
few weeks
previous."
Muck-A-Muck is
too much of a
fool to be either a
hero or villain. His status as a
caricature
created for the
Eastern newspaper
audience is
obvious in
this
speech:
"I
go,"
said the
Indian.
"Tell
your great chief in
Washington, The
Sachem
Andy,
that the Red
Man is
retiring
before
the
footsteps of the
adventurous pioneer. Inform
him, if you please,
that westward
the
star of empire takes
it's
way, that the chiefs
of the
PiUte
nation are for
Reconstruction
to
a man, and that
Klamath will
poll a heavy
Republican
vote in
the
fall" (8).
As these
judgments by
Steele, Twain, and Harte
indicate, Western
local color
was largely
an
ethnocentric
formula created
to amuse an Eastern
audience and
preclude any serious
questions about the policies of Manifest Destiny. It was
insensitive and
hostile to regional
ideas or
customs, which might have
fragmented the
unity of
purpose
required to
pursue Manifest Destiny and
industrial
growth.
Instead of
fostering
regional
diversity,
local
color
sought
to
demonstrate
that the
only sensible
life
was that of
urban and
industrial
America;
those who lived
differently
were at best
amusing and inconsequential
fools; at worst failures,
anachronistic
dreamers,
or
savages (9).
In
the 1920s
there
were two
authentic
regional
movements:
the Fugitives --
Southern agrarianists;
and the
Midwestern
regionalists
who, as Roy
Meyer has shown, produced
more
than a hundred
novels (10).
The Fugitives
may have had
roots in the
earlier
Southern sectional movement, but
Midwestern regionalism
well illustrates the
principles of the
literary
definition. The
works of
Hamlin
Garland, Joseph
Kirkland,
E. W. Howe, William
Allen White,
Herbert
Krause,
Willa Cather,
Wright Morris,
and other
Midwest writers
have one thing
in common:
a shared
perspective on
the
land.
In
simple
terms, Midwest
regional
writing is
about
farming.
Whether it
is
rendered
romantic
or realistic,
the farming
orientation to
the land is
beyond
question.
On
this issue there was
no
difference
among Polish,
German,
Irish, or
English
farmers.
And in spite
of the
cultural
heritage
and local homogeneity
of a
dominant
culture (for
example
the
Germans
in
northwest
Iowa),
everyone participated
in the unifying
activity
of farming,
even if
only indirectly
as
with
merchants in
small
towns.
Thus
a
unified culture developed below the
imported differences
in culture
and language.
When
Steinbeck's
Tom Joad picked up
a piece of his
land,
every
Midwesterner
knew what this
symbolized. There
was
something
powerful,
primal, and
unequivocal
in his
inarticulate
love of his
farm
that did not need
explanation
because it was
universally
shared.
This shared involvement
with the land
through
farming
was at
the heart of
Midwestern
regionalism
even when there
was a
lovehate
relationship
with it
as in
Garland's
work.
John Milton,
in his The
Novel of
the American
West,
says that
"the
land itself is
probably
the
single most important element
of a region"
(11). He goes
on to say that a
regional
novel must be
"of the
land,
a novel
in which the
land actually
becomes
a
character,
a force
to be reckoned with,
part of the conflict
as well as
background"
(12). Certainly
this is true of Midwestern
regional novels where the land is
all
important.
Characters
often relate
to it as
they might to
another
character.
They hate it,
love it,
work with it;
it feeds
them,
starves them,
and finally takes them into itself
in
death. Far
from being an
unexplored
and
strange
landscape, a
surprising,
useless, and
threatening
great desert full
of hostile
Indian
-
as
the West
was often
described
-
the Midwest was
ordinary
farm country. It
represented the
normal
landscape
just as
farming
represented the normal
occupation
of most
Americans.
Western
local color presented the Western
landscape,
and the people
indigenous to
it, as
foreign,
as
outlandish;
the people were
laughed at or
pitied because they
deviated from the normal
agrarian life. Hence Western local
color remained either
humorous or
sentimental.
Moreover,
its
could not change
in the
nineteenth
century, for it's
sole cause
or purpose was
to
exaggerate
the
gulf between
normal farm
and small
town life,
and the
lives of
characters
-
Indians
Mexicans, miners, whores, and social
misfits.
The question is, how
much has the perception
of the
Southwest
changed?
Is
it still
a
strange
landscape?
Are the
Navajos, Hopis,
Pueblos, and
Apaches, as well as
Hispanics, still
perceived as characters
unlike other Americans?
Obviously much depends on who is
doing the
writing, where they
are
from, and who they
are writing for, because these
factors
largely
determine
what is
normal.
There is
a collection of
fine
literature
written
about the
Southwest.
What is
its origin? Is
it regional in
the
same sense as
Midwestern or Southern
regionalism? Is it related to
nineteenth-century
Western local
color? If so,
how has
it
changed?
Dike
expresses
the
contemporary
view in
saying, "Local
color
has
nowadays
become a
term of
critical abuse
due to the failure of the
American local-color
movement
in the nineteenth
century to provide a
significant
literature"
(13). This is
a historical judgment,
which assumes that local color writing vanished like a dinosaur
and
was
succeeded
by a
struggle between regionalism
and
a
national literature
(realism,
naturalism,
modernism).
This view is
the product of historical
reductionism.
It is a
view produced in
graduate schools and critical
journals that
accepts terminology,
movements,
and
explanations
as more
important
than individual novels and
stories.
I am
not arguing for a primitive reading
of
literature.
But I
am suggesting
that prefabricated critical
terminology can
often obscure
instead of
explicate literature.
Such is
the case
with Southwestern
writing today. So-called
Southwestern regional writing today is
neither authentically
regional after the
pattern of
Midwestern regionalism,
nor is
it
national.
In
fact, it is
twentieth-century
local color writing,
which has produced
a fine, if not great,
literature.
Contemporary Southwestern local color writing is
generically derived from nineteenth-century local color
writing, but the term
implies
no critical
abuse
and implies
no
judgments
about
quality.
In a 1929
symposium on
Southwestern
regionalism,
Mary
Austin
offered a
typical definition
of regionalism:
"A regional culture
is the
sum,
expressed
in ways
of living and
thinking,
of
the
mutual
adaption
of a land and a
people" (14).
The problem
in the
Southwest
is that there are three
cultures,
which each have
fundamentally
different
values expressed
in
several
languages.
This can be
illustrated
in
various cultural
orientations
to the land.
The
Native
American sees the land in a
mytho-religious context as
sacred.
The Hispanic
develops
a
relationship
with the
land through
subsistence
farming
and often
personifies
it as a
woman,
conceiving his
relationship
as analogous to a
marriage (15).
Finally, the
Anglo
most often
sees the
Southwest as
landscape,
as a
national park or as
pictured
in Arizona
Highways. The Native
American identifies
the
land as a
religious
center;
the Hispanic
identifies
it
as
mother
and wife; while the
Anglo
simply appreciates
the
aesthetic
quality
of the
landscape.
In 1932 Mary
Austin
admitted that
"our
Southwest,
though actually
the longest lived-in
section of the
country, has
not yet achieved
its authentic
literary expression
in English"
(16). Like the
search for the
great American
novel,
the search for a
representative
Southwestern regional novel is
futile, for much the
same
reason:
the cultural
diversity
is too
great.
Joseph
Kirkland's
Zury or
Herbert
Krause's
The Thresher or four
or five other
novels might well
represent
the Midwest.
But in
the
Southwest,
Oliver La
Farge's
Enemy
Gods,
a novel
about a
young
Navajo
coming of age, might
be considered
representative.
So might a work
about Hispanic
life by Rudolfo
Anaya, Harvey
Fergusson,
or Raymond
Otis.
Then there
is the
work
of Paul
Horgan.
Each one of these
writers
has
written
a work
which might well
stand
as an
illustration
for the
Southwest;
but none
of them has
written a
novel representative
of the
Southwest,
or even of New
Mexico. Moreover,
none of their
works necessarily
has anything
to do
with the work or
the vision of the
others.
If
anything,
their separate
works
contribute
to
a
mosaic
or
quilt - work
which
cumulatively suggests,
but never
entirely defines,
the
Southwest. This may be
called Southwest
regionalism,"
but if
so, it
should
be
recognized
as
fundamentally
different from what is
meant by
Midwestern
or Southern
regionalism.
In that case, the
terminology
needs to be
either abandoned
or rethought.
In the 1929
symposium
on Southwestern
regionalism, Albert
Guerard
suggested
that "apart
from the historical
factor,
there is no
such thing as the
Southwest.
It is a
mosaic,
not a
synthesis" (17). The
mosaic
of Southwestern
literature
has at least three parts
corresponding
to the three
cultures. But
there is an
additional complication.
Definitions
of regionalism
stress
the importance
of an
unconscious
rapport with the land and a
culture. Thus
Mary
Austin
says authentic
regional works
must be of
the region, not
simply
about
it (18).
There
is a
sense, often
expressed
in
definitions
of
regionalism, that
authentic
works
must proceed
from values and
a vision that come
directly from
the unconscious
of the writer
to ingenuously
take on the
shape of the
culture
which gives them
a
unique expression. If
this is true, it
would seem that only
a
Hispanic
or a Native
American could
write authentically
about their
respective cultures,
because only
they are truly indigenous
to them (19).
They were
formed by
their cultures, including
languages other
than English as
their first
language,
and thus react
almost instinctively
out of their
formative experiences
to be
representatives of
their culture.
Anyone writing
about a
culture
different
from the one he
grew up in
and acquired
through
his
native
language must,
by
definition,
be
writing
local
color.
Thus Anglo
writers like
Frank
Waters or
William Eastlake can
make studied and
analogous
responses
based on their long
study
of Hopi
or Navajo
culture (20).
Moreover,
their
semi-anthropological
interest in
diverse cultures
is, as Dike
said,
a
feature
of local color
writing (21).
Albert Guerard
remained pessimistic
about Anglo
versions
of Native
American
or Hispanic
culture. He
said they are "two
civilizations
which you
cannot adopt as your
own:
they will have to
remain
subordinate"
to a national literature (22). Henry
Smith, another participant of the
symposium,
agreed, saying that
"at most there
can be cross
fertilization between
American
and Indian
cultures"
(23).
Does this mean that the fine novels of La
Farge,
Waters, and
Eastlake should
be dismissed as
falsely representative of
Southwestern
Indian
views? I think
not; but there is a
cautionary point
here. In such novels we
are dealing
with a literary
hybrid. Dudley
Winn, in
an essay
titled "The
Southwestern Regional
Straddle,"
explained
that "the
Regionalists
of the
Southwest
who use
the
Spanish
and Indian
cultures
as material
for their art
can justly be
charged with a
futile
romanticism"
(21). Ultimately,
Winn considered
these romantic renderings
to be
morally
and politically
insidious
because Anglo
writers
"continue
half-heartedly
praising the
beauty
of
Spanish
and Indian
ways, uncomplainingly
accepting
the whole Anglo
encroachment" (25).
Dike made
a
similar
point about
nineteenth century
local color
writing, saying
that it celebrated
"the rural life for its
simplicity, unsophistication,
innocence, and
proximity to nature" (26).
However fine
their novels,
Waters,
La
Farge,
Eastlake,
Fergusson,
and Otis
remain
cultural outsiders and
hence, by
definition, local
color
writers. Their vision
is a hybrid, a
cross-fertilization between
Anglo
literary
or artistic
values
and the cultures
they study and
adopt.
In
short,
what is
distinctive
in
Southwestern literature
is a
new kind of local
color. In
place of the jingoism
and racism of
Steele and the
general
denigration of
variant cultures,
there is
a broad
romanticism
and rose-hued
appreciation
of Native American
and Hispanic
life. But it
is local color
nonetheless.
And as
local color these
works
never overcome
their
limitation as
sentiment.
Thus,
the
authors continue
to portray
noble savages
or noble
peasants who remain
picturesque
or pitiable
when
compared
to
Anglo life in
Albuquerque
or Phoenix.
The lives
of
Native Americans
rendered
by
writers like
Frank
Waters
may be
complex
and deep, and they
often present
moving characters, but
there is
nonetheless
a
suggestion
that Indian
life is
different simply
because
it is based on a
heritage, culture,
and language radically
different from the Anglo
experience.
Hence
we
often
pity Indian
characters
precisely because
we do not know
how to help them or even
relate to them.
We do
not know what is
expected or even possible
in their cultures.
There
is an
automatic aesthetic distance
created in rendering
Indian characters that
almost inevitably makes
them picturesque
even when they are
heroic.
That is
to
say, we do not
see their
acts or
lives as
important or
meaningful to our own
lives. Benjamin Spencer agreed. He wrote that
"though the Amerindian
traits have been enumerated,
classified,
and extolled,
they must remain largely the
stuff of
loca
l
color until
they have
ceased to
become an
embellishment
and have
become integrated
into the
unconscious
outlook
of the
region"(27).
As
long as
the three
cultures
remain viable, that is
to say,
as long
as the
Anglo
culture
does
not destroy the
Native American
or Hispanic
cultures,
this fusion
is
impossible. The
clash among
ideas of land use in
New Mexico provides an
illustration.
Much of
northern New Mexico
has been included in national
forests. Anglos from
outside the
immediate
region
are
often surprised
to
learn that local
Hispanics sometimes
burn
Smokey the Bear
forest signs.
The Anglos see
only the
beautiful
forests and expect
everyone
to view
them in the
same
aesthetic
context.
But Harvey
Fergusson's
Grant
of Kingdom presents
the history of how the
forests were
stolen from
Hispanic
owners. And
Raymond Otis,
in
Little Valley,
suggests
that the
Hispanic subsistence
farmer may
have a
different relationship
to the
land:
When the land
called,
all human
things gave way, and it was
only right that they
should.
For a man's
fate lay
in his fields, not in
his heart;
and the land was
exacting
of a
man, too. It demanded
his
best
efforts
and all his
strength.
Rightly so (28).
Anglos in
Albuquerque
or other
American
cities may see this
as
picturesque.
Little
Valley and
Otis' other fine
northern
New
Mexico novel,
Miguel
of the
Bright
Mountain,
are lyrical
books. But, as
in the works of Waters and
Eastlake, there is a
political message, not a militant
demand,
but a more
circuitous message based on presenting an alien
cultural
context.
If we fictionally
enter into the
alien culture
and experience,
we may
be able to
at least
recognize that there are
fundamentally different values
among
Indians,
Hispanics, and
Anglos in the
Southwest.
If
Indian
and Hispanic cultural
values
and perspectives can be
translated
into the
traditions
and
expectations
of
American
literature,
it
must be
done by
twentieth-century
local color.
While
such writing may
remain largely romantic,
it is interested in
explaining cultural
variants to
a national
audience.
It
may
not have a
pure technique,
but it may
also be the
only technique
that is
effective
in
crossing
cultural
boundaries.
In northwest New
Mexico Anglos wish to
develop
coal and
uranium deposits.
Yet the
traditional Navajos feel that
"these
mountains
are our father and
mother.
We came
from them; we
depend upon
them."
In
fact, "each
mountain
is a
person. The
water courses
are their veins
and
arteries"
(29). In
Eastlake's
Dancers
in
the Scalp
House, Navajos build
a nuclear
bomb to defend their
land from a
hydro-electric
project which will
flood it. However, they are too reverent of
life and too
civilized to
use
it.
Each
of these
concepts of
the land
is an
unquestioned
cultural
inheritance
that acts as a
criterion in
defining who belongs to
a
culture.
These are not
interchangeable
or
debatable
ideas. Rather
they are one
of the
foundational
beliefs that identify a
particular
culture.
Thus,
to suggest that there
can or
should be one
novel
or one type of
literature
that represents the Southwest is
to
either
deny that the
separate
cultures exist, or, like
Steele, hope that the
Anglo
culture
will
absorb the other two.
Moreover, it
is a
hope for
a
reductive stereotype,
a
formula
like
the cowboy
western,
endlessly
repeated. In
contrast, modern local
color writing of the
Southwest
presents a
richness and depth
that is unique. There
are multiple
layers of
meaning in
interpreting
the
New Mexican
landscape
because of the
multiple
cultural
perspectives. The
land
docs not
allow only
one relationship,
but
sustains many. And if
Anglo
technology
does not destroy the Southwest
landscape, perhaps it will
be in
part because
alternative
visions
of the
land have
been
offered by
the new
local
colorists of the Southwest.
In
writing about the
regional uniqueness of
California,
James Parsons
says
that
"there
is here
neither the
homogeneity of
culture nor of
physical environment
for which the
regionalists so
fondly seek."
He
goes on
to say,
"We
are
scarcely dealing
here, however,
with the
sort of
deeply-rooted
ties
and
affections
for
the land
that have
characterized
those
longer settled areas
which have
been
most
conspicuously
identified with the concept of the
'regional
culture'"
(30). In the Southwest
there is less "homogeneity
of culture"
than in
any other region
of
America.
And
unlike
California, which
might be
a melting pot
creating a
homogeneous culture in
time, the
Southwest has
sustained
three
independent cultures for
at least
a hundred
years, and before that, two
cultures for
several hundred years.
There are "deeply-rooted
ties and
affections for the
land"
in the
Southwest,
but
these cannot be
reduced to
a
single
formula.
Parsons
suggests that
California
is
regionally unique because
of its
"geographical
remoteness
from the
rest of
the
nation"
and
because the
majority
of Californians
ironically
share the
experience
of having moved
there from elsewhere
in the United
States.
Despite
these sociological
reasons, California
cannot be
considered to
have a
unified
regional
culture. Certainly
it has
not
produced
a unified
or distinctive
regional
literature. The
largely superficial
and obvious
claims made by
Parsons
for
identifying
California
as a region
indicate
that the
concept
of regionalism
is simply
not very useful any
more.
Sanford
Marovitz
recently
argued that,
in
American
literature,
"Western
Realism
vaguely indicates
a wide,
shifting West and a
highly ambiguous
reality,
it is an
almost meaningless and
often
misleading
designation. Too
broad
to define
a genre, it
is at best
a
direction
sign, though
to be
used with
extreme
caution"
(31). Similarly
the terms or
regionalism
and
local
color
are most often
used
as
"direction
signs"
when they
should be
used with "extreme
caution"
to
indicate
the theoretical
limitations of
particular
types of
fiction.
The evolution
and
connotations
of the two literary
terms are
inappropriate
to the
Southwest. The
Southwest cannot
have
a
representative
regionalism
as long as
cultural
diversity
exists. The use
of the term local
color to
denote
a
nineteenth-century
ethnocentrism
and to
connote
a
hyperbolic
style must be
replaced with
the
notion
that local
color simply
implies epistemological
limitations.
While local color writing does have
theoretical
limitations, like
every
other
genre,
it
should
not any
longer be
considered a
designation for
inferior,
prejudiced, and politically
didactic writing. Waters,
Eastlake, La
Farge, Fergusson, and
Otis are twentiethcentury
Western local
colorists. But they
are fine, perhaps
even great,
writers. They
love the cultures
they present in their novels,
and they have
immeasurably enriched
what might be without their
works a
one-dimensional bourgeois
Anglo culture.
On the
other hand,
prescriptions
designating
who may write
authentically about
a region may have more to do with
anthropology
than
literature; and,
in any
case, they may
simply
identify
formulas. Benjamin
Spencer's
thesis that American
literature has
evolved as a
dialectical
process between our
national
literature and
regionalism may work in
considering New
England, the
South,
or the
Midwest.
But in
the Southwest
the
situation
is more
complex.
Definitions
of regionalism
that developed
from movements
in the South
and the Midwest
cannot be uncritically
imposed on the Southwest
without distorting its
literature.
lt
is
the term itself which fails, not the
literature
of
the Southwest.
The
tricultural
English language
literature
of the Southwest
has
several
fates.
It can
remain
diffuse
and unrelated.
In that
case there will
be three
separate
Southwest
regional literatures
corresponding to the
three cultures.
On the other
hand, imported
critical theories
and terms
can reduce
and distort
Southwestern
literature to fit into a
prefabricated literary
history. Or
Southwestern
literature
can be
defined
as a
unique
phenomenon
in contrast
to the
literature produced
elsewhere
in the
United
States.
However, this
interpretation involves rethinking critical terms from
the perspective
given by the
literature
itself. That
is to
say, terms must
be
devised
to
explain
the
literature
rather
than making the
literature
conform
to the terms.
John Milton,
in his
The
Novels
of the
American
West, has begun the
process
of explaining
the Western
novel from
the perspective
given by
Western
novels
themselves. If
this is
done
for the Southwest,
then
Southwestern
regionalism may
come
to mean
something specific
and may explain
what literature
written
in this region
has in
common.
At the
moment,
the term is
merely
suggestive
when it is
not actually
confusing.
NOTES
1.
John Houghton Allen,
Southwest
(Philadelphia:
Lippincott,
1952), p.
13.
2.
Allen,
p.
217.
3.
Benjamin
T.
Spencer,
"Regionalism
in
American
Literature," in
Merrill Jensen,
Regionalism in
America (Madison: University
of Wisconsin
Press, 1951),
pp.
219-260.
4.
Donald Dike,
"Notes
on
Local Color
and lts Relation to
Realism,"
College English
Vol. 14
(Nov.
1952), p.
82. Earl
Pomeroy supports
this idea by
estimating
the cost of visiting the
West in the
late nineteenth century:
"A
trip from New York to
the West
Coast and back around
the turn of
the
century
cost about three hundred
dollars, meals, hotels
and sidetrips
all
extra,
at a
time
when hourly wages ran
around
twenty cents an hour,
and the average
factory
worker earned less than five
hundred dollars
a year. If he took his
wife, they would spend more than a
year's
wages for
railroad
fares alone,
and he would
probably lose his job, since the
roundtrip
would take ten days on fast
trains over
the direct,
least scenic route with
good connections
and no
stopovers,
and few
wage
earners
had as much as
a week's
vacation."
Earl Pomeroy,
"Rediscovering the
West,"
American
Quarterly, 12.1
(Spring
1960), p.
28.
5.
Carey McWilliams,
"Young
Man, Stay West,"
in
Southwest
Review, 15
(1929), p. 305. See also Laurence
Veysey, "Myth
and Reality in Approaching
American
Regionalism,
American
Quarterly,
12.1 (Spring
1960), pp.
31-43: "the Westerner
would often behave
according to rigidly
fixed, artificial preconceptions,
rather than in
response
to the
logic of
his own
interests."
6.
James
W.
Steele, Frontier
Army Sketches
(Albuquerque: University
of New Mexico Press, 1969).
All page
citations are to this
volume.
7.
Mark
Twain,
Roughing It,
(New York:
New
American
Library, 1962),
pp.
117-120.
8.
Bret
Harte,
Muck-A-Muck:
A
Modern
Indian Novel After
Cooper, in
The
Rise of
Realism: American Literature
from 1860 to
1888, edited by
Louis Wann (New
York:
The MacMillan
Company, 1933),
p.
298.
9.
Dike
suggests
similar ideas in
several of his
characteristics
of local
color. He
suggests
that nineteenth century local color had
"a
semianthropological interest in
local customs";
that it
often
took "the form of propaganda";
and
that "local-
color writing
does not
grapple
seriously
with the moral problem
of social groups
or of individuals
in
groups.
Instead,
it
sermonizes."
Pp. 84,
85, 87.
10.See
Roy Meyer,
The Middle Western
Farm Novel in the Twentieth Century
(Lincoln: University
of Nebraska
Press, 1965).
11.John
R.
Milton,
The
Novel of
the American West
(Lincoln:
University of Nebraska
Press, 1980), p.
108.
12.Milton,
p. 111.
13.Dike,
p. 81.
14.Mary
Austin, "Regional
Culture in the Southwest,"
in
Southwest
Review, 14 (1921),
p.
475.
15.For
example,
John Milton
says: "Typical
of
Fergusson's
images used
symbolically
is the union
of
land and woman"
(p.
245).
Also:
"it
must be
noted
that 'land'
as respected and
loved by
Fergusson
is
somewhat
different from
the
'earth'
which evokes
a mystical response
from another Southwestern
writer, Frank Waters"
(p.
262).
16.Mary
Austin,
"Regionalism in
American
Fiction,"
The English
Journal,
21.2 (Feb.,
1932), p.
101.
17.Albert
Guerad, "A Mosaic, Not a
Synthesis, Southwest
Review,
14
(1929),
p.
481.
18.Mary
Austin,
"Regionalism in
American
Fiction," p.
106.
19.Indeed
this
argument
has
been
made,
often by
minority writers,
to
suggest
that
authenticity
is
a
matter of
culture
and
personal history, not
art.
For
example, David
Jackson, a
music
critic,
recently
said:
"I
used
to
resent
the
Rolling Stones and people like John Mayhall when
I
first started listening to blues because
the
one
thing
that
I
found and
I
still
think
it
is
a
valid
criticism
against
a lot
of
whites
attaching
themselves to
an
alien
tradition
is
that the
blues
tradition
came out of
an
experience that was
not
quite the
same as
Mick
Jagger or
Eric
Clapton
or
even
John
Hammond
Jr. I'd
say
that
someone
like
John
Hammond
does a good imitation of it or a good rendition or
interpretation
of blues
material."
"Multi-Fusion
in
the
Eighties,"
Contact II,
Spring 1980, p.
19.
20.I
use
the
term Anglo
as
it
is
commonly used
in
the Southwest to
indicate someone of
Anglo-Saxon
heritage in
distinction
to Native American Indian
and Hispanic
heritages.
Obviously there
are
differences
in
the
backgrounds
or Anglos who write about Native Americans or
Hispanics.
For example, William Eastlake grew
up
in
New
Jersey
and first
came to
the
Southwest as an
adult.
In
contrast,
Frank Waters has
some Indian blood and has lived
with Native
Americans
most
or
his
life.
However,
I
do
not think this
invalidates the point that one's native language and
formative culture is
not
chosen; it
is
that
which allows one to
grow up from infancy into
adolescence.
This
question is even
more
complicated
with
bilingual, bicultural writers, such
as
Scott
Momaday.
21.Note
for
example
the
point of view
in
Frank
Waters'
Masked
Gods: Navajo and
Pueblo
Ceremonialism:
"This
exploration
into the
life
and
ceremonialism
of
the
Pueblos and Navajos must
also
be
a
probing
of our own
contrasting
life,
our own religious, social, and
scientific
ceremonialism --our
own kachina
cults"
(italics
added),
p.
xvii.
22.Guerard,
p.
481.
23.Henry
Smith,
"A
Note
on
the Southwest,"
Southwest
Review,
14
(1929), p.
278.
24.Dudley
Winn, "The
Southwest Regional Straddle,"
in
T.M.
Pearce
and A.
P.
Thomason,
Southwestems
Write
(Albuquerque:
University of New Mexico Press, 1946), p.
284.
25.Winn,
p.
289.
26.Dike,
p.
85.
27.Spencer,
p.
254.
Again Dike
makes
a
comparable
point, saying
that in nineteenth century local
color,
characters
are
"not
'real'
in
the
sense
that
one's
own
experience or the
experience
of
a
member
of
one's group is real,"
p. 87.
28.Raymond
Otis, Little
Valley
(Albuquerque:
University
of
New
Mexico
Press, 1937), p.
158.
29.Gladys
A. Reichard, Navajo Religion: A Study of
Symbolism
(Princeton:
Princeton
University Press, 1950),
p.
20.
30.James
Parsons,
"The
Uniqueness of
California,"
American Quarterly,
7,
1
(Spring 1955), pp.
45-55.
31.Sanford
Marovitz,
"The
Enigma of Western
Realism,"
unpublished essay
given
at the
Western American Literature Association conference,
Albuquerque,
October 1979, p.
16.
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